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Populism's Virtues : E.J. Dionne Jr.
By E.J. Dionne Jr.
Thursday, March 19, 2009; Page A15
Conservatives have argued for decades that the sins most dangerous to our society were rooted in lust when in fact they were rooted in greed.
We are at the beginning of a great popular rebellion against those who showed no self-restraint when it came to lining their own pockets. Their entitlement mentality arose from an inflated sense of their own value and of how much smarter they were than everyone else.
The sound you are hearing in response to the AIG payoffs -- excuse me, bonuses -- is the rancorous noise of their arrogance crashing to earth.
Yet there is much hand-wringing that this populist fury is terribly perilous, that the highfliers who could not control their avaricious urges have skills essential to repairing the damage they caused in the first place.
Beware populism, we are told. Honor those AIG contracts. Forget about any moral reckoning and just fix the economy.
This view is wrong on almost every level, especially about populism. Of course not all forms of populism are attractive. But as historian Michael Kazin argued in "The Populist Persuasion," the "language of populism in the United States expressed a kind of idealistic discontent" and "a profound outrage with elites who ignored, corrupted and/or betrayed the core ideal of American democracy."
Is this not an entirely appropriate reaction to elite decisions dating to the 1980s that ultimately ran our economy into the ground?
The Obama administration has sent thoroughly ambivalent signals on this question. Its initial response to the $165 million in AIG bonuses (the president's lieutenants said there was little to be done about them) suggested that it did not want to join in the populist anger and maybe didn't even realize that it was there. On Monday, President Obama made clear that he got it, denouncing the bonuses.
It was the right first step. He should build on this by showing that he shares in the public's morally justified intuition that our society's rewards to the very wealthy are totally out of line with their contributions to the common good.
A study of compensation levels in 2007 found that average CEO pay at S&P 500 companies was 344 times higher than the average worker's wage, and that the top 50 investment fund managers took home 19,000 times -- yes, that's with three zeroes -- as much as typical workers earned.
Now, I am not against people getting rich or entrepreneurs reaping profit from their investments of time and energy. But there is no moral or practical justification for such levels of inequality. Capitalism worked extremely well in the three decades after World War II without such radical inequities. It's when inequalities soar that the system runs into trouble -- precisely what happened at the end of the 1920s, when inequality reached levels similar to today's.
With the populist furies unleashed, the Obama administration has two choices. It can try to fight the public. Or it can use the public's outrage to move the country in a better direction.
Rep. Barney Frank (D-Mass.), the chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, points to the irony that populism threatens to work against Obama even though the president has proposed "a populist budget." It's a budget that raises taxes on the wealthy, cuts them on almost everyone else and spends money on programs -- notably health care -- that are of benefit to the poor and the middle class. Obama needs to show that his budget is itself a direct response to the injustices aggravating the country.
The president needs to do two things at once. The administration has no choice but to spend piles of money to unwind the financial mess. A share of the largess, as Frank acknowledges, may indirectly benefit some of the malefactors in this saga. But Obama has to be unambiguous in asserting that the purpose of this spending is not to reward those who got us into this fix but to solve a problem that affects us all.
To make this case, the administration should be unafraid to use its proposals on health care, taxes, education, energy and financial regulation to argue that it is building a new economy on the ashes of the old -- an economy based on fair rewards to capital and labor alike, not on an ethic of greed and excess.
Obama can work with the populist wave or he can be overwhelmed by it. As Kazin notes, American progressives have succeeded in improving the "common welfare" only when they "talked in populist ways -- hopeful, expansive, even romantic."
Kazin cites the line popularized by Ralph Waldo Emerson, "March without the people, and you march into the night," and then adds: "Cursing the darkness only delays the dawn."
postchat@aol.com
Read E.J. Dionne's tribute to Ron Silver on The Post's opinion blog, PostPartisan.
Fuente: Whasington Post
Thursday, March 19, 2009; Page A15
Conservatives have argued for decades that the sins most dangerous to our society were rooted in lust when in fact they were rooted in greed.
We are at the beginning of a great popular rebellion against those who showed no self-restraint when it came to lining their own pockets. Their entitlement mentality arose from an inflated sense of their own value and of how much smarter they were than everyone else.
The sound you are hearing in response to the AIG payoffs -- excuse me, bonuses -- is the rancorous noise of their arrogance crashing to earth.
Yet there is much hand-wringing that this populist fury is terribly perilous, that the highfliers who could not control their avaricious urges have skills essential to repairing the damage they caused in the first place.
Beware populism, we are told. Honor those AIG contracts. Forget about any moral reckoning and just fix the economy.
This view is wrong on almost every level, especially about populism. Of course not all forms of populism are attractive. But as historian Michael Kazin argued in "The Populist Persuasion," the "language of populism in the United States expressed a kind of idealistic discontent" and "a profound outrage with elites who ignored, corrupted and/or betrayed the core ideal of American democracy."
Is this not an entirely appropriate reaction to elite decisions dating to the 1980s that ultimately ran our economy into the ground?
The Obama administration has sent thoroughly ambivalent signals on this question. Its initial response to the $165 million in AIG bonuses (the president's lieutenants said there was little to be done about them) suggested that it did not want to join in the populist anger and maybe didn't even realize that it was there. On Monday, President Obama made clear that he got it, denouncing the bonuses.
It was the right first step. He should build on this by showing that he shares in the public's morally justified intuition that our society's rewards to the very wealthy are totally out of line with their contributions to the common good.
A study of compensation levels in 2007 found that average CEO pay at S&P 500 companies was 344 times higher than the average worker's wage, and that the top 50 investment fund managers took home 19,000 times -- yes, that's with three zeroes -- as much as typical workers earned.
Now, I am not against people getting rich or entrepreneurs reaping profit from their investments of time and energy. But there is no moral or practical justification for such levels of inequality. Capitalism worked extremely well in the three decades after World War II without such radical inequities. It's when inequalities soar that the system runs into trouble -- precisely what happened at the end of the 1920s, when inequality reached levels similar to today's.
With the populist furies unleashed, the Obama administration has two choices. It can try to fight the public. Or it can use the public's outrage to move the country in a better direction.
Rep. Barney Frank (D-Mass.), the chairman of the House Financial Services Committee, points to the irony that populism threatens to work against Obama even though the president has proposed "a populist budget." It's a budget that raises taxes on the wealthy, cuts them on almost everyone else and spends money on programs -- notably health care -- that are of benefit to the poor and the middle class. Obama needs to show that his budget is itself a direct response to the injustices aggravating the country.
The president needs to do two things at once. The administration has no choice but to spend piles of money to unwind the financial mess. A share of the largess, as Frank acknowledges, may indirectly benefit some of the malefactors in this saga. But Obama has to be unambiguous in asserting that the purpose of this spending is not to reward those who got us into this fix but to solve a problem that affects us all.
To make this case, the administration should be unafraid to use its proposals on health care, taxes, education, energy and financial regulation to argue that it is building a new economy on the ashes of the old -- an economy based on fair rewards to capital and labor alike, not on an ethic of greed and excess.
Obama can work with the populist wave or he can be overwhelmed by it. As Kazin notes, American progressives have succeeded in improving the "common welfare" only when they "talked in populist ways -- hopeful, expansive, even romantic."
Kazin cites the line popularized by Ralph Waldo Emerson, "March without the people, and you march into the night," and then adds: "Cursing the darkness only delays the dawn."
postchat@aol.com
Read E.J. Dionne's tribute to Ron Silver on The Post's opinion blog, PostPartisan.
Fuente: Whasington Post
Tarea # 10 Populism's Virtues
Entrega Miercoles 9 de Septiembre
http://fieconomia.blogspot.com/2009/08/populisms-virtues-ej-dionne-jr.html
http://fieconomia.blogspot.com/2009/08/populisms-virtues-ej-dionne-jr.html
Tarea # 9 Insolite face-à-face entre ouvrières et actionnaires
Les dejamos un artículo mas en francés del periódico "LE MONDE DIPLOMATIQUE":
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/2008/08/RUFFIN/16159
Entrega Viernes 4 de Septiembre
http://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/2008/08/RUFFIN/16159
Entrega Viernes 4 de Septiembre
Diagrama de Flujo Circular
Un flujo circular más detallado de una economía cerrada. Ahora se incluyen todos los demás componentes de las cuentas del ingreso nacional. Se aprecia que el PNB incluye la inversión, los gastos de consumo y las compras de gobierno. Cuando se deduce la depreciación se obtiene el PNN. Cuando se restan además los impuestos indirectos de las empresas se obtiene el IN. Si se restan las utilidades de las corporaciones, los pagos al Seguro Social y las utilidades retenidas por las corporaciones y se agregan los pagos de transferencias, se obtiene el ingreso personal, Finalmente cuando se deducen los impuestos al ingreso personal se obtiene el ingreso personal disponible, o IPD; éste representa lo que los consumidores en realidad disponen para gastar.
Tarea #7: Tomar fotografia de una exhumacion
Tomar la fotografía de una exhumación y dar su opinión
Entrega 7 de Septiembre
Entrega 7 de Septiembre
Tarea #5: ¿Porque estudiamos a los griegos?
Realizar un análisis de las copias, de este artículo.
¿Porqué estudiar a los griegos?
Entrega 26 de Agosto
¿Porqué estudiar a los griegos?
Entrega 26 de Agosto
Tarea #4: Registro de Lllamadas a Celular
La tarea consiste en llevar un control de las llamadas realizadas o recibidas en este mes, para darnos cuenta cuantas son llamadas innecesarias
Entrega 31 de Agosto
Entrega 31 de Agosto
Tarea #3: Analisis Articulo
Análisis del artículo
Medvedev: la Russie doit réformer son économie pour sortir de l'"impasse"
Rusia debe reformar su economía
Entrega 19 de Agosto
Medvedev: la Russie doit réformer son économie pour sortir de l'"impasse"
Rusia debe reformar su economía
Entrega 19 de Agosto
Razón y Desarrollo: Javier A Elguea
La tarea es leer de la página 11 a la 22, es decir todo el prólogo de este libro.
Fuente: Google Books
Fuente: Google Books
Rusia debe reformar su economia para salir de la recesion
Lunes 10 / Agosto / 2009
El presidente ruso Dimitri Medvedev ha sugerido que Rusia debe reformar su economía, que depende ampliamente de la venta de hidrocarburos, para salir del "atolladero" actual.
"No hay que desarrollarse más de esta forma en el futuro. Es un callejón sin salida. De esta forma nuestra economía carece de futuro", declaró en Sochi (sur de Rusia).
"Rusia necesita avanzar, pero por el momento no hemos dado pasos adelante. Estamos en un círculo vicioso, la crisis lo demostró", estimó Medvedev.
Estimulada por los petrodólares, Rusia conoció en los últimos años tasas de crecimiento vertiginoso: 5,6% en 2008, 8,1% en 2007, 7,7% en 2006.
"Pero tan pronto hubo la crisis, nos derrumbamos. Y nos derrumbamos de una manera más intensa que muchos otros países", reconoció el presidente ruso.
"¿Por qué? Porque no hemos cambiado la estructura de nuestra economía. Nuestra economía reposa sobre los hidrocarburos, los recursos naturales y sus exportaciones", explicó.
En la actualidad, las autoridades rusas calculan que en 2009 habrá una caída de 8,5% del Producto Interno Bruto (PIB) del país.
Según un informe del Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) de julio, en 2009, 171.300 millones de dólares, de los 278.400 millones de dólares de las exportaciones rusas, provendrán del sector energético.
"La crisis fue más profunda sobre todo por el fracaso en hacer progresar las reformas destinadas a mejorar las inversiones y a promover la diversificación de la economía", estima el FMI.
Fuente: http://www.boursorama.com/infos/actualites/detail_actu_marches.phtml?num=4cd2ce80938e003bc1b2ce725aeada5f
El presidente ruso Dimitri Medvedev ha sugerido que Rusia debe reformar su economía, que depende ampliamente de la venta de hidrocarburos, para salir del "atolladero" actual.
"No hay que desarrollarse más de esta forma en el futuro. Es un callejón sin salida. De esta forma nuestra economía carece de futuro", declaró en Sochi (sur de Rusia).
"Rusia necesita avanzar, pero por el momento no hemos dado pasos adelante. Estamos en un círculo vicioso, la crisis lo demostró", estimó Medvedev.
Estimulada por los petrodólares, Rusia conoció en los últimos años tasas de crecimiento vertiginoso: 5,6% en 2008, 8,1% en 2007, 7,7% en 2006.
"Pero tan pronto hubo la crisis, nos derrumbamos. Y nos derrumbamos de una manera más intensa que muchos otros países", reconoció el presidente ruso.
"¿Por qué? Porque no hemos cambiado la estructura de nuestra economía. Nuestra economía reposa sobre los hidrocarburos, los recursos naturales y sus exportaciones", explicó.
En la actualidad, las autoridades rusas calculan que en 2009 habrá una caída de 8,5% del Producto Interno Bruto (PIB) del país.
Según un informe del Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) de julio, en 2009, 171.300 millones de dólares, de los 278.400 millones de dólares de las exportaciones rusas, provendrán del sector energético.
"La crisis fue más profunda sobre todo por el fracaso en hacer progresar las reformas destinadas a mejorar las inversiones y a promover la diversificación de la economía", estima el FMI.
Fuente: http://www.boursorama.com/infos/actualites/detail_actu_marches.phtml?num=4cd2ce80938e003bc1b2ce725aeada5f
Grupo 2 : Introducción a la Economía
I) REGLAS PARA EL SEMESTRE
El calendario dice:
1. Las clases son lunes, miércoles y viernes de 7:00 a 8:30 hrs en el salon 103A
2. De agosto 10 a Noviembre 28 hay 45 sesiones de 1.5 horas c/u: 67 horas en totla
3. Son 16 semanas con 5 días de descanso
El programa dice:
4. Hay 5 temas en el programa oficial del curso
5. Hay 3 subtemas de Introducción en 3.0 horas en 2 clases
6. Hay 4 subtemas de Evolución de los sistemas económicos
El calendario dice:
1. Las clases son lunes, miércoles y viernes de 7:00 a 8:30 hrs en el salon 103A
2. De agosto 10 a Noviembre 28 hay 45 sesiones de 1.5 horas c/u: 67 horas en totla
3. Son 16 semanas con 5 días de descanso
El programa dice:
4. Hay 5 temas en el programa oficial del curso
5. Hay 3 subtemas de Introducción en 3.0 horas en 2 clases
6. Hay 4 subtemas de Evolución de los sistemas económicos
